Iran's
century-long struggle:
Between
modernization, tradition and the dream of a secular state
Bahman Armiti
Summary:
The text
provides a historical overview of Iran's turbulent 20th and 21st centuries,
focusing on the constant tug-of-war between conservative religious forces and
modern, secular currents. By tracing the roots of the Constitutional Revolution
of 1905, it highlights how the country's geopolitical importance – mainly
through oil – and repeated foreign interventions have shaped its fate and destiny.
The article
contrasts the rapid, top-down modernization of the Pahlavi dynasty with the
reactionary turn of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. By analyzing economic
failures, the lack of clear Islamic economic models, and the growing resistance
in the form of the "Green Movement" and the "Woman, Life,
Freedom" protests, the text lands in today's Iran. The conclusion points
to a country in deep economic crisis where a large part of the population is
now demands a return to a secular rule of law and personal freedom.
Conflict
between conservatives and moderns in Iran
Iran has
been in several conflicts over the past decade. These conflicts have their
roots in Iran's constitutional revolution of 1905–1911. This revolution was the
first step to modernize and secularize the country while limiting the king's
power, imposing law and order, and limiting the power of the clergy.
War
between Russia and Iran
Before the wars between Iran and Russia began in the 1800s, there had been
constant war between Iran and the Ottoman Empire for the past 400 years. However,
Russia, the new empire that under Peter the Great expanded its borders to the
Caspian Sea, had territorial ambitions. They wanted to defend the Christian
population in the Caucasus. These areas were previously partly under Persian
control.
The first
major war between Persia and Russia took place between 1804–1813. Persia lost
the war massively and was forced to sign the Treaty of Gulistan. This meant
that the entire territory of the Caucasus (present-day Georgia, Azerbaijan and
parts of Armenia) was given to Russia.
The next
war began in 1826–1828. The clergy of Iran issued a jihad fatwa to regain the
lost territories and liberate Muslim brothers from the Christian empire. They
themselves were among the Iranian army and wanted to go to fight against
Christians, but when the war began in earnest, they all fled the battlefield.
The last major Russo-Persian War ended with the Treaty of Turkmanchay. Iran
completely lost the Caucasus territory and present-day Turkmenistan to Russia. Those
borders still apply.
Culture
and economic Consequences
The outcome
of the war caused great losses to Iran's state economy, which was based on
income from agriculture and taxes from traders. The economy of these areas was
agricultural, a trade route for merchants to Europe and Russia, and was a major
source of income for the state.
The
population in these areas was partly ethnically Turkic-speaking, as were
Azerbaijanis and Turkmen. This caused the Azerbaijani-speaking people to become
a minority in the country. At the same time, trust in the Shia clergy in the
country decreased, which was the driving force behind the second war with
disastrous results for the country. During that time, a perception arose and
spread, "hatred of the colonial powers", especially "Russia and
England". That feeling still exists and people are very skeptical of
outside interference in the country's internal affairs.
Even Abbas
Mirza, who was the son of the king and commander-in-chief of the armed forces,
was furious after the loss and sought the answer. His question was: "Why
are the European armies superior and is there a reason why we have been
neglected?" This also became the curiosity of the elite.
The Rise
of the Bahá'í Faith
The state was heading for financial collapse under Nassir al-din Shah
(1831–1896). This reduced the people's confidence in the state's ability to
fulfill its duties to the people. The loss of these territories caused
uprisings among the people. The people demanded reforms to stabilize the
country's economy in these waves of discontent, mismanagement of the country's
economy, and the dark, threatening clouds of the future that loomed over the
country.
The Bahá'í
Faith was founded in Shiraz in 1844 by Bahaullah. At the beginning of his
reign, the Bahá'í Faith began to gain a foothold among various sections of
society. The Bahá'í faith was a response to the Shia clergy who, with a jihad
fatwa, started the second war against Russia without renewing the country's
armed forces. Bahaullah explained that he is the one to whom the Qur'an
promised that a savior would come. Nassir al-Din Shah initially had a positive
attitude towards them. However, the country's religious and conservative forces
pressured the Shah to change his stance. As a result, over 20,000 Bahá'í
believers were massacred in the country and Bahaullah himself was executed in
Tabriz in 1850.
The
Persian tobacco protests
The Iranians had lost large areas of land to the British in 1857. The war was
called the Anglo-Persian War (1856–1857). Iran wanted to keep the strategic
land area of Herat in present-day Afghanistan, but the British invaded southern
Iran on the Persian Gulf. The country had to give it to the British. Another
humiliation for the country that was divided between the superpowers Ottoman
Empire, Russia and Great Britain.
The tobacco
rebellion in Iran started in 1891. Nassir al-Din Shah realized that the country
needed more financial income and he sold tobacco rights to an English company
in 1890. This company was given the rights to produce, sell, export and import
all tobacco in Iran.
The
protests grew into a national boycott after a religious fatwa (religious edict)
against tobacco use was issued by Ayatollah Mirza Hassan Shirazi in December
1891. Nassir al-Din Shah was forced to revoke the concession in early 1892. The
country also paid damages to the company.
Constitutional
revolution
When Nassir al-din Shah was assassinated on May 1, 1896 by a rebel inspired by
exiled Iranians, a great power vacuum arose. His son Mozaffar al-din Shah sat
on the throne. He was a weak person and constantly ill.
The
constitutional revolution in Iran began in the autumn of 1905 and lasted until
about 1911. The revolution began when the state punished some merchants in
Tehran. There were protests in Tehran and the Shah accepted that the people
formed a parliament in 1906. In the first Parliament, a constitution was
adopted. This was intended to limit autocratic rule.
Immediately
after that, the Shah died, and his son Mohammad Ali Shah, who was pro-Russian,
opposed the parliamentary system. A civil war broke out between the Shah's
troops, supported by Russia, and the country's population. In the end, the
popular forces defeated the conservative army, and the Shah was forced to flee
to Russia, where he later died.
In that
revolution, there were two groups that fought against each other: the first
group was progressive and Western-oriented forces. They wanted, Above all, "law
and order" and a central government with a national army. They demanded
education for everyone. Britain had a friendly attitude towards that group.
The second
group was conservative and wanted to preserve the Qajar dynasty and Islam and
Sharia as the basis of legislation. They had the support of Russia.
Within the
both groups there were small factions that wanted to introduce republic rule. During
the time of the Pahlavi regency, they had gathered in many different political
parties.
One lesson
from that time was that intellectuals, with the support or help of the clergy,
can overthrow the system, and this collaboration was repeated several times and
had major consequences for the country.
The 1921
coup d'état
Between 1911 and 1921, Iran was the center of three superpowers' demonstrations
of power during World War I, despite being neutral. Different parts of the
country were occupied by these armies. At the same time, the discovery of crude
oil in Iran in 1908 changed the country's importance. Everyone wanted oil for
their military and industry. Fossil fuels created new times in the world; boats,
cars, airplanes and electricity were powered by oil.
The
constitutional revolution could not give the country a strong central power. The
conflict between different ethnic groups and the struggle between conservative
and modern forces created a power vacuum. At the same time, the emergence of a
communist state in Russia changed the agenda in the Middle East. England and
the West wanted a strong central power in Iran that could resist the expansion
of communism.
At that
time, a young and ambitious journalist, Sayyid Zia al-Din Tabatabľi, contacted
Reza Khan, who was an energetic commander in the Qazaq armed forces. They took
Tehran on February 21, 1921. Tabatabaʾi became prime minister and Reza Khan
became commander-in-chief. Reza Khan was able to quickly calm the country with
great force and sometimes with brutal methods.
Iran's
Napoleon,
the parliament and the people wanted to put an end to the Qajar dynasty, which
was considered incompetent and corrupt. Reza Khan took all the power alone with
the blessing of the people. At first, he wanted to become president, like
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Turkey, but the clergy and several intellectuals
insisted that he become the king of the country and follow history.
He became
king and deposed Ahmad Shah, the last Qajar king, and sent him to Europe. Reza
Khan changed his name to Pahlavi and started the Pahlavi dynasty in 1925. For
16 years, he had absolute power in the country and with an iron fist he
transformed the country into a modern state. He introduced compulsory education
for young people, built several factories, sent young people to Europe to study
modern science, initiated a legal system without the clergy, founded the first
university, gave women the right to work, and created a national army.
At the
outbreak of World War II, and because of Iran's strategic location to help the
Soviets in the war against Hitler and the need for oil to continue the war,
Iran was occupied by British and Russian troops in August 1941. England deposed
Reza Shah and sent him into exile in South Africa. He died there in 1944. Some
intellectuals and clergy call Reza Shah's rise to power a black period in
Iran's history, calling him "a puppet regime of Great Britain."
Mohammad
Reza Pahlavi
His young son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was put on the throne in 1941. The
occupying powers set the country's agenda; the country's resources were sent to
the Soviet Union and the oil to the British military.
After the
war, Soviet forces refused to leave the country and tried to create breakaway
republics within the country, the Azerbaijani and Kurdish republics. After the
USA threat to attack the Soviet forces, Stalin withdrew his troops from the
country. With the help of the US, the Shah was able to defeat the two republics
and unify the country.
Nationalization
of oil
After the
war, a power vacuum arose in the country and Mohammad Mossadegh became prime
minister. He was the leader of the "National Front". During his
reign, Iranian oil was nationalized. It wasn't only one who wanted to do it;
All statesmen had tried to introduce it before he took power. They were aware
that the majority of the population wanted it. England was seen as the greatest
enemy of the people.
But during
the Cold War, Mossadegh was not prepared to cooperate with the West. This
became crucial for his government. The United States and England decided to
depose him. At that time, the Communist Party of Iran "Tudeh Party"
was very successful. It frightened the Western powers further. Iran's oil was
boycotted and ports in the Persian Gulf were surrounded by Britain, which
threatened to invade the country again. At the same time, the United States
urged England to accept that the oil profits were shared 50-50 with Iran, in
the same way that the US had agreed with the Arab oil producers, but England
refused to agree to this.
The Shah's
supporters, under army chief Zahedi, deposed him in a military coup in 19 August
1953. The Shah's supporters claim that it was a popular uprising against
Mossadegh's economy and social program. Mossadegh became isolated and Ayatollah
Kashani, the supreme religious leader, left him and joined the Shah's side. The
country's economy was close to collapse and the financial situation became
increasingly difficult. There is a certain consensus that what happened in
August 1953 is a decisive moment, not only in Iran's history, but also in
relations between the United States and Iran in the future. It fueled strong
anti-Western rhetoric among intellectuals and the clergy. Mossadegh's
supporters still call it an American coup and the Shah an American puppet
regime.
Social
contract
During the Shah's reign, he continued his father's work. With the help of oil
revenues, an urban and secular middle class emerged. Education became mandatory
for all children. Women were given many rights. The country's industry grew
rapidly. The Iranian army had the best weapons available on the market.
At the same
time, many scientists warned him of the consequences of the rapid modernization
and secularization of the country. The Shah was unwilling to listen to warnings
and wanted to continue on the path he had chosen. Urbanization grew
exponentially; Tehran received the largest influx of rural migrants, with a
population growth from 1.5 million in 1953 to more than 5.5 million in 1979.
Most of them did not actively participate in modern society and formed the
basis of the Islamic revolution.
Most of the
new generation, educated thanks to the Shah's policies, demanded rapid
political changes – something that was not supported by traditional sections of
society. However, women's rights increased significantly.
Anti-constitutional
ideas
When the Shah began to reform the landowning society, the conservatives were
furious. Many of the great clerics and landowners opposed this. At first the
police were able to control it, but when Khomeini began his aggressive
rhetoric, everyone rallied around him. He opposed women's right to vote and
education, religious equality, and above all, cooperation with the United
States.
He had the
idea of "Velayate Faqieh" or "the supreme religious
leader". In it, he describes how a theocracy state should be formed under
the "Velayate Faqieh" to lead the population to the true path. It was
believed that “The Islamic state is the government of divine law, and its laws
can neither be changed nor amended, nor questioned.”
It is the
idea of Augustine (354-430) who in his book The City of God (civitas Dei)
declares: "The City of God exists until then as an invisible community,
gradually expanding, and whose citizens are motivated by the love of God. The
opposite is the secular city (civitas terrena) made up of those who are
driven by self-love."
He
justified his aggressive rhetoric with the rise of the state of Israel and
blamed Western countries for it. He was also opposed to the participation of
Bahá'í believers in society. Ayatollah Khomeini was arrested and sent into
exile in Iraq.
Islam
through Marxism
When the 1970s dawned with huge oil revenues and rapid urbanization, Ali
Shariati—a young man who trained as a sociologist in France—caught the
attention of the students, as the traditional clergy could not find a common
language with them. He was strongly influenced by anti-colonialism and the 1968
movement in France, and his role model was the black writer and psychiatrist
Frantz Fanon. Fanon argued that racism and dehumanization, constantly directed
at black people, caused feelings of inferiority. This dehumanization prevented
black people from fully assimilating into white society and reaching a
full-fledged personality.
Ali
Shariati used his ideas to explain the new modern world through Shiite Islamic
history to misguided youth who were struggling with modern society. He wanted
to save Shiism from its ignorance.
He
described the Shiism as two separate worlds. The "black Shiism",
which constantly wept over the martyrdom of Imam Hussein in Karbala, had closed
its eyes to the outside world. Shariati said that the Safavids—the Persian
dynasty that ruled Iran from 1501 to the mid-18th century- founded it to make
the people ignore their faith and turn it into mere religious ceremonies.
The second
was "Red Shiism", which, unlike the black one, wanted to participate
in the world and improve it. It wanted to create justice and liberate the
people who lived under colonialism and corrupt politicians. In Red Shiism,
martyrdom was the ultimate goal, and Che Guevara was seen as a rebirth of the
deeds of Imam Hussein. That idea came from Mircea Eliade, a prominent Romanian
historian of religion. He believed that the purpose of every religious ceremony
is for the participant to be united with the divine. Ali Shariati urged his
listeners to follow that example, accept martyrdom and deny the oppression. He
was called "the teacher of the Islamic revolution" and Ayatollah
Khomeini its leader.
Anti-revolution
1978
Iran's economy was stable, but in 1975 the pace slowed. The Shah deposed Prime
Minister Hoveyda and replaced him with Jamshid Amouzegar. The new prime
minister was an economist and technocrat who began to change the financial and
economic direction to boost the economy.
The Shah
was sick with cancer and no one, not even himself, knew about it. At the same
time, with oil revenues flowing into the country, the Shah did not listen to
his advisers and any criticism of the situation was met with harshness.
At the same
time, Ayatollah Khomeini's elder son died of a heart attack in Iraq. At the
same time, the political atmosphere in the United States changed. Jimmy Carter
became president; he had no foreign policy experience, which meant that the
Shah lost his best friend in the White House. Carter demanded that Iran improve
its political climate and respect human rights.
The forces
that wanted reform, and that were partly republican or still faithful to
constitutional revolutions ideas, came together and demanded change. They
wanted the Shah to begin an opening in the restricted political life.
According
to Shiite tradition, people gathered in mosques, especially in the cities of
Qom and Tabriz, to honor the fortieth day after the death of Ayatollah
Khomeini's son. During these ceremonies, the participants demanded reforms.
Ayatollah Khomeini became the leader of those who opposed the Shah's modernism
and secularism. He and most of the people on the streets demanded that
"Islam and Sharia" become the basis of legislation and an
"Islamic rule" created. These were the same demands that the
conservatives had had during the constitutional revolution of 1905–1911.
Islamic
rule in Iran
Ayatollah Khomeini initially elected Mehdi Bazargan (1907–1995) as his prime
minister. He was religious, but at the same time modern and a social democrat.
But the power struggle between him and the religious demand from Ayatollah
Khomeini and the radical clergy ended with his resignation.
Hostage
taking
Ayatollah
Khomeini gave his support to the religious students who occupied the U.S.
embassy and took the staff hostage. This started the priests' seizure of power
in the country. He wanted to impose strict Islamic laws, but most of the urban
population was against it. At the same time, a period of wanting to export the
Islamic revolution to other countries, especially where there were Shiites,
began. This led to an eight-year war between Iran and Iraq. Both countries’
economies were destroyed and nearly a million people were killed or wounded. At
the same time, Iran became a center for groups with an “anti-imperialist” and
“anti-Israeli” agenda.
Islamic
economy
When the revolution of 1978 began, Ayatollah Khomeini wanted to introduce an
Islamic economy in the country. But the question is still relevant: "What
is an Islamic economic order?"
When Islam
emerged, Muhammad and his followers fought to defeat others. During his time,
his followers lived in a difficult financial situation. They succeeded, and
Islam became a factor between two empires: the Persian under Zoroastrianism and
Byzantium under Christian rule. Islam defeated them and became an empire
itself. They did what all other empires had done before and since: took taxes
from landowners and merchants and waged constant wars against neighbors to
expand the its tax base.
As
industrialism began and the modern world emerged, Islamic thinkers had
difficulty presenting a corresponding plan. Modern economics is not based on
land ownership, but on manufacturing and the role of the financial sector in
development.
Khomeini
had no plan for managing the economy, because Islam did not have one. Islam is
a religion that calls its followers to believe in one God and live in truth
according to Islamic texts. We have not experienced an Islamic-based economy;
many countries claim to be governed by Islamic laws, but what these laws are
differs from place to place.
Another
problem that has existed in Islamic countries, especially in the Middle East,
is that property rights exist in few places. Those who cultivate the land often
do not have documentation or ownership rights. The land is considered to be the
property of the caliph or king. This has a historical reason; The Middle East
changed when the Arabs took over the region in the 700s. They were a clan
people where everything was under the clan leader who distributed resources to
the members. In the modern world, private property is the foundation of
progress and prosperity.
Another
problem is the legal system in Islam; According to some interpretations, a man
who kills another can go free if he pays a "blood money" to the
person's family. It allows those with financial resources to pay their way free
while being punished without means, sometimes through public flogging or
amputation. These punishments occur in Iran. In the 47 years after the
revolution, nearly 40 people have lost their hands as punishment. This has not
reduced crime in the country.
Revolution
against anti-revolution
When the results of the 2009 presidential election were announced, millions of
Iranians marched on the streets of the "green movement" and demanded
a recount. Mir-Hossein Mousavi, who was prime minister in the 1980s, became the
leader of the movement. It was partly a peaceful demonstration, but the police
met them with a heavy hand. Nearly a hundred protesters were killed and the
leader of the movement, who is a cousin of Ali Khamenei Supreme leader, remains under house
arrest to this day. That movement divided power into two parts: the
conservatives and the reformists.
The next
major movement was the economic protests of 2017–2018. At that time, the former
king's name was shouted by protesters who demanded his return.
The most
significant protest took place in 2022 after the death of Mahsa Jina Amini. She
was a young woman who, according to the Iranian morality police, did not wear
her hijab correctly and was beaten to death. It was the first time a protest
for women's rights, with a massive participation of women, started in the
Middle East. It changed the social contract of Iranians. In several big cities,
men accepted women's rights and participated in the demonstrations. Between 500
and 600 demonstrators were killed and several thousand were arrested. The
Islamic regime has tacitly accepted that the requirements for mandatory headscarves
are being eased, and many women participate in social life without the
headscarf.
The last
protests were started in Tehran by traders in December 2025 against inflation
and a sharp currency collapse. Soon the demonstrations spread to all parts of
the country. When Reza Pahlavi, the ex-king's son, urged people to take to the
streets on January 8 and 9, 2026, according to testimonies, millions of people
participated. During these two days, several civilians were killed. According
to some reports, between 6,000 and 12,000 people lost their lives. It was the
largest massacre in the country's modern history.
Iranians
have experienced revolutions and wars over the past century. Most people want a
secular state. Some argue that faith is a personal experience between an
individual and his God. They further argue that the widespread corruption and
poverty in Islamic countries is not due to the beliefs or teachings of Islam,
but to those who rule the country, and believe that it is better not to call it
an Islamic state.
Iran's
economy does not rest on solid foundations; Industrialization has slowed down
and today industrial production is equivalent to 22% of the country's GDP. The
average monthly income of a worker, which was $260 in 1975, is today $65.
Iranians today are calling on the son of the former king to lead them towards a
secular and free society and to live like everyone else in the world. Those are
few reasons why Iranian are in persistent fighting.
Source:
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Naser-al-Din-Shah
The Oxford
handbook of Iranian history, Chapter 13-15
King of
King by Scott Andersson 2025
The life
and time of the Shah By Gholam reza Afkhami
Iran: Time
for a New Approach Report of an Independent Task Force
Sponsored
by the Council on Foreign Relations. År 2004
A History of modern Iran, By Ervand Abrahamian år 2018
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Saint-Augustine
